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The third of three volumes of essays by Quentin Skinner, one of the world's leading intellectual historians. This collection includes some of his most important essays on Thomas Hobbes, each of which has been carefully revised for publication in this form. In a series of writings spanning the past four decades Professor Skinner examines, with his customary perspicuity, the evolution and character of Hobbes's political thought. An indispensable work in its own right, this volume also serves as a demonstration of those methodological theories propounded in Volume I, and as an appositional commentary on the Renaissance values of civic virtue treated in Volume II. All of Professor Skinner's work is characterised by philosophical power, limpid clarity, and elegance of exposition; these essays, many of which are now recognised classics, provide a fascinating and convenient digest of the development of his thought. Professer Skinner has been awarded the Balzan Prize Life Time Achievement Award for Political Thought, History and Theory. Full details of this award can be found at http://www.balzan.it/News_eng.aspx?ID=2474

1. Introduction: Hobbes's career in philosophy

2. Hobbes and the studia humanitatis

3. Hobbes's changing conception of a civil science

4. Hobbes on rhetoric and the construction of morality

5. Hobbes and the purely artificial person of the state

6. Hobbes on the proper signification of liberty

7. Hobbes and the classical theory of laughter

8. History and ideology in the English revolution

9. The context of Hobbes's theory of political obligation

10. Conquest and consent: Hobbes and the engagement controversy

11. Hobbes and his disciples in France and England

12. Hobbes and the politics of the early Royal Society

13. Hobbes's last word on politics.

Quentin Skinner is Regius Professor of Modern History in the University of Cambridge and a Fellow of Christ's College.

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One final consideration worth highlighting relates to the activity of thinking itself. We need to reckon with the fact that thinking is an effortful activity, not simply a manipulation of a kaleidoscope of mental images. The attempt to think out problem, as a matter of common introspection and observation, does not seem to take the form of, or be reducible to, a patterned or even a uniformly purposive activity. Rather we engage in an often intolerable wrestle with words and meanings, we spill over the limits of our intelligence and become confused, and we often find that our attempts to synthesise our views reveal conceptual disorders at least as much as coherent doctrines. But it is precisely this consideration which is ignored whenever an interpreter insists on collecting the regrettably...

It was widely agreed that the question of whether the so-called classic texts remain worthy of study depends on the extent to which they can be shown to address these perennial issues in a ‘relevant' way . I protested that this approach is insensitive to the possibility that earlier thinkers may have been interested in a range of questions very different from our own. More specifically , I objected that, by appropriating the past in this fashion, we leave ourselves no space to consider what earlier philosophers may have been doing in writing as they wrote.

If the belief proves to be one that it was rational for the agent to have held, we shall need to investigate the conditions of that achievement. If it was less than rational or palpably absurd to have held it, we shall need to enquire into the very different sorts of conditions that may have inhibited or prevented the agent from following accepted canons of evidence and argument, or perhaps supplied the agent with a motive for defying them.

We reject any contention to the effect that one belief can be stigmatized as more ‘ideological' than another in consequence of being in some way ‘unsatisfactory' or insufficiently grounded.

If this is nothing more than a stipulation about how we ought to use the term ‘ideological', then perhaps it will do no harm. But if it is a proposal about how historians ought to set about the business of explaining beliefs, then it seems to me fatal for just the reasons I have sought to give. It refuses to recognise that one of the reasons why someone may hold a certain belief is that there is good evidence in favour of it, that it fits well with their other beliefs, and so on – in a word, that it is rational for them to hold it. If we refuse to speak in these terms, we deprive ourselves of an indispensable means of identifying the most appropriate lines of enquiry to follow in any given case.

书籍介绍

The third of three volumes of essays by Quentin Skinner, one of the world's leading intellectual historians. This collection includes some of his most important essays on Thomas Hobbes, each of which has been carefully revised for publication in this form. In a series of writings spanning the past four decades Professor Skinner examines, with his customary perspicuity, the evolution and character of Hobbes's political thought. An indispensable work in its own right, this volume also serves as a demonstration of those methodological theories propounded in Volume I, and as an appositional commentary on the Renaissance values of civic virtue treated in Volume II. All of Professor Skinner's work is characterised by philosophical power, limpid clarity, and elegance of exposition; these essays, many of which are now recognised classics, provide a fascinating and convenient digest of the development of his thought. Professer Skinner has been awarded the Balzan Prize Life Time Achievement Award for Political Thought, History and Theory. Full details of this award can be found at http://www.balzan.it/News_eng.aspx?ID=2474